The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author

WRITTEN BY Moses Karanja, Maria Xynou and Arturo Filastò

qz.com

Nearly 100 deaths and thousands of arrests have been reported in Ethiopia over the week, as part of protests against the marginalization and persecution of the Oromos and Amharas, Ethiopia’s two largest ethnic groups. But the attacks and arrests may not have been the only forms of retribution carried out by the Ethiopian government in its crackdown against protesters.
Last weekend, the internet was reportedly shut down in the country.
In an attempt to understand whether the internet was in fact shut down, we looked at some public sources of data that contain information about internet traffic. Such data provides strong indicators that the internet was most likely shut down during the Ethiopian protests last weekend, though it remains unclear if this occurred in all regions and/or on all types of networks across the country.
Ethiopian protests

Ongoing protests have been carried out by Ethiopia’s Oromo people since November, marking one of the most significant political developments in Ethiopia in recent years. These protests were sparked by the introduction of the Addis Ababa City Integrated Master Plan, which aims to expand the territorial limits of the country’s capital into neighboring Oromo towns, threatening to displace millions of Oromo farmers and bring the Oromo-dominated region under the Tigray-led federal government.

The unprecedented wave of protests has resulted in more than 400 deaths since November, according to a recent Human Rights Watch report.

Protesters relied on the internet to plan and mobilize so this may have prompted the Ethiopian government to pull the plug.

More protests sprung up in the Amhara regional state, with protesters requesting political reforms and specifically, the Welkait community demanding that ancestral land currently administered by the Tigray regional state be moved into the neighboring Amhara region.
The new-found unity between the two historically antagonistic communities of the Oromo and Amharas against a common adversary, the TPLF-led government, seems to have raised the tension in the country. The security forces response has been extreme, with observers comparing it to the 2005 post-election violence where nearly 200 people were killed. This time though, at least 30 people were reportedly killed in the Amhara region in one day alone.
Internet shutdown

Protesters relied on the internet to plan, mobilize and coordinate with each other and this may have prompted the Ethiopian government to pull the plug on the internet even before the planned protests started.

But this is not the first time that the Ethiopian government appears to be restricting access to the internet this year.
Last month, the government reportedly blocked social media platforms across the country after university entrance exams were leaked on Facebook by an Oromo activist, as a form of protest against the government.
Public data from last weekend indicates that the internet was shut down in Ethiopia during the heat of the protests, but it remains unclear if this occurred nationwide.
The graphs below illustrate that while internet traffic appeared to be originating from Ethiopia up until Aug. 5, such traffic was suddenly terminated until August 8th, indicating that the internet was probably shut down.
Ethiopia google traffic

Similarly, Tor metrics data below illustrates that there was a decrease in the usage of Tor last weekend, which could be viewed as an indicator of the internet being restricted or shut down in certain types of networks.

The data included in the graphs above shows that while the internet was likely shut down in certain regions and/or types of networks, it probably wasn’t shut down completely across Ethiopia. It might also have been the case that access to certain websites was restricted in regions and/or networks where the internet was accessible, though we unfortunately don’t have any recent OONI measurements from Ethiopia to verify this.
#KeepItOn campaign

Internet shutdowns effectively pose restrictions on demonstrations and on human rights generally.
In the recent case of Ethiopia, shutting down the internet in the middle of intense protests likely not only had an effect on the mobilization and coordination of protesters, but also on the communication between families and friends of victims. This also likely had an effect on journalists reporting on the protests in real-time on the ground, if they were using networks that were blocked.
An Al Jazeera reporter in Addis Ababa cited difficulties to connect to the internet and restricted travel to protest zones as a cause for limited coverage of the protests.
Follow
Catherine Soi @C_SOI
It works abit differently with TV. We must verify reports we get. We however covered Addis protests on sat. https://twitter.com/NileAyu/status/762386889697406978 …
1:40 PM – 7 Aug 2016
Retweets 3 3 likes
7 Aug
Ethiopian Press @abenezer_a
Internet blackout across #Ethiopia is a great setback to get detailed info right now. Arrests and killings continue unbated
Follow
Ethiopian Press @abenezer_a
Internet back after 48 hours of total blackout across the whole #Ethiopia. However, it’s still blocked in Amhara & oromia region.
1:43 AM – 8 Aug 2016
27 27 Retweets 7 7 likes
But Ethiopia is not the only country restricting access to the internet during political events.
At least 20 cases of internet shutdowns have been documented worldwide over the last six months alone. In response to this, Access Now is leading a campaign in collaboration with organizations around the world called #KeepItOn.
The #KeepItOn campaign aims to document and raise awareness about internet shutdowns around the world. We support this campaign, and we hope you will too.
This article was drafted as part of a collaboration between OONI and the Centre for Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law (CIPIT) department of Strathmore University. It was originally published here.
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Whitestown couple plan medical clinic in Ethiopia

KOKOMO — Leadership can be found through love.

And this is a love story.

It’s not only about Rachael Drye and Finote Asfaw’s love for each other, but also the compassion for his native Ethiopia and for the people of that eastern African country.

It’s a love that drives them to relocate across the world from Indiana, where they prepare to return home with their four young children, ready to take the lead and save lives. Their family has made sacrifices, living for now in a small Whitestown home to save money.

“Everything we do prepares us to go back and be a blessing,” Drye said. “Our goal is to raise our children and grow old in Ethiopia.”

It’s an unlikely story, as they grew up on opposite sides of the world. Rachael was born and raised in Indiana, first in Winona Lake, then Logansport, and started college with plans to be a personal trainer. However, she couldn’t ignore a heartfelt call to go out into the world to serve people.

She took a leap of faith, accepting an offer to teach English to elementary school children in Ethiopia, more than 7,500 miles from home and family. After she arrived, she quickly fell in love with the country, and its warm and welcoming people. In particular, she fell in love with fellow teacher Finote Asfaw, who grew up in Ethiopia’s capitol, Addis Ababa.

A friendship that began over a game of soccer there led to marriage before Drye was due to return to Indiana.

FINDING THEIR MISSION

A life-changing visit to Mother Theresa’s hospital in Addis Ababa inspired the mission that would drive their futures.

“I was quickly overwhelmed with the amount of need, and my overwhelming sense of inadequacy,” Drye said. “I was paralyzed by the moaning and groaning that were the constant background noise. I couldn’t speak the language to comfort, give medicine to relieve their pain, or know how to stop the diseases that were wreaking havoc on their minds and bodies. I remember feeling disillusioned by the smells, sounds and sights I was witnessing.”

Asfaw needed no wake-up call to the health care needs of his country, knowing that lack of providers meant illnesses like pneumonia and diarrhea, easily treatable in the U.S., can be deadly in Ethiopia.

“I was raised there, so I know what it’s like,” he said. “I was one of the fortunate ones who had the opportunity to come to America, where health care is available to all. I lived in Ethiopia for more than 20 years, and I only remember seeing a doctor twice, not because I was healthy, but because there weren’t any available.”

As they prepared for their move to Indiana, they decided it would have a purpose — they would both become nurse practitioners, and then return to Ethiopia for good, to open clinics to bring health care to this underserved population.

The first step in that plan was enrolling in Indiana University Kokomo’s School of Nursing, where both earned their Bachelor of Science in nursing.

“We can save people’s lives,” Asfaw said. “There are a lot of people dying from diseases, or from malnutrition, things we don’t think are a big deal here. There, people die from it. There are a lot of health problems in Ethiopia that can be easily prevented if people have access to good health care.”

As a result, they founded a not-for-profit organization, WeCareEthiopia, to raise money to found a health care clinic in Addis Ababa, three years from now. Later, they will open additional clinics throughout the country, making health care more readily accessible to people in rural parts of the country.

“We realized that what was needed most was health-care related,” Asfaw said. “We felt like nursing degrees would be the first steps to launching the goal we had in mind.”

The need is critical

Ethiopia averages just 0.7 health care workers for every 1,000 people, according to the World Health Organization. They recommend more than four times that amount, 2.3 workers to 1,000 people.

Eighty-five percent of Ethiopians live in rural areas, and must walk 20 miles or more to seek basic health care. Once they arrive, they wait hours, or even days, to be seen, because of a critical lack of providers. Lack of access to clean water and sanitation also contribute to medical issues, with diarrheal disease being one of the leading causes of death among children younger than 5. Lower respiratory infections and HIV/AIDS are top causes of death in this country as well — all conditions preventable or treatable with basic medical care.

Most Ethiopians are farmers and herders, so crop failures and famine caused by deforestation, drought and soil degradation have led millions to face starvation. Add to that, the average income is less than $1 per day, and more than a third of Ethiopia’s people live in poverty.

While Asfaw is motivated by personal experience, Drye’s drive comes from being a mother of four and concern about the health care of women and their children. And the statistics are dire. The country has one of the world’s highest maternal mortality rates, averaging 675 deaths per 100,000 live births. The infant mortality rate is 59 deaths per 1,000, while the overall under-five mortality rate is 88 per 1,000 live births.

“When I think of the children, when I think of the women, they keep driving me,” she said. “There are women back home in Ethiopia who are in desperate need of someone who can provide these services for them.”

Preparing for their futures

It’s been a long journey for their family, which includes Malachi, Zipporah and Nehemiah, born before Rachael and Finote finished their undergraduate degrees, and Gideon, who arrived during their graduate program.

Rachael applied credits previously earned to an Associate of Science in nursing, then enrolled in IU Kokomo’s R.N. to B.S.N. program, completing her degree in August 2010. Finote chose the traditional B.S.N. program, graduating in December 2010. Both enrolled in a nurse practitioner program, and completed their professional degrees in 2014.

He specializes in adult and geriatric patients, while she focuses on women, infants and children. She’s currently enrolled in a nurse midwife program, which she calls the final piece needed to offer a “one-stop shop” when they return to Ethiopia. He’s considering earning a Doctor of Nursing Practice (D.N.P.), as well, to prepare him for the business and management side of their clinic.

The road hasn’t been easy for the couple, who both worked full time while earning their degrees, relying on family to help with the children. Their family has made sacrifices, living in a small home in Whitestown, just north of Indianapolis, to save money for their clinic.

Asfaw and Drye juggle busy schedules, with Malachi and Zipporah in school and activities, and Nehemiah and Gideon in child care. They’ve both been full-time students at the same time — with studying, classes and required clinicals — on top of full-time jobs.

Currently, Asfaw is a health care provider in one of Indiana’s state prisons and Drye is in charge of an in-school health clinic at one of the Indianapolis Public Schools, serving as the primary health care provider for more than 600 elementary children.

Leadership and courage

A soft-spoken man, Asfaw is a leader not by choice, but by necessity.

“I think what you want to do brings out your leadership skills if you have strong passion for it,” he said. “We have first-hand experience in this situation, and I still have family living there. Those who believe someone else will do something probably haven’t seen it or lived it. Actually experiencing that situation is the biggest motivator for me. What we are doing will save lives.”

Their faith also compels them to take action.

“For me, it’s recognizing how much we’ve been given and knowing you’re going to give an account for what you did with your life,” Asfaw said. “What would my excuse be for seeing suffering and not doing something about it? There’s a soberness in realizing what you’ve been given.”

Drye admires Asfaw’s resolve and his courage in leaving his home to make lives better.

“He has traded a lot to come here, to earn the education he needs to go home and help his people,” she said. “He gave up his country, his family, his language, his food, his culture. The amount of pressure he’s under and the strength he has to be a dad to four kids while working full time and going to school full time is phenomenal. He’s inspired me to be better in my life.”

To her, that is leadership.

“The biggest characteristic of a leader to me is courage, and not being afraid to fail,” Drye said. “It’s not like people who lead don’t have fear, we just have fear and do it anyway.”

How to help

They’re raising money for the first clinic, and accepting donations of supplies as well. They plan to offer health care on a sliding scale basis, or free to those who cannot afford to pay.

For more information go to wecareethiopia.org.

PDF File

Security services are killing demonstrators by the hundreds. But instead of restoring order, the government is tearing itself apart.
BY WILLIAM DAVISON , Foreignpolicy.com

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — When Ethiopian marathoner Feyisa Lilesa neared the finish line in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday and crossed his hands above his head, it wasn’t to celebrate the Olympic medal he was about to win. It was to protest his government’s violent crackdown on ethnic Oromos, who have died by the hundreds at the hands of Ethiopian security forces in recent months.

“The Ethiopian government is killing my people, so I stand with all protests anywhere, as Oromo is my tribe,” Lilesa said later at a news conference. “My relatives are in prison, and if they talk about democratic rights they are killed.”

Lilesa’s statement, which was applauded widely in activist circles online, was true: Ethiopian security services have, for months, been running roughshod over protesters. But the analysis was also incomplete. The Ethiopian government, an important U.S. ally, is far more fragile than the ongoing crackdowns suggest. Indeed, the crackdowns themselves are exposing ethnic fault lines in the ruling coalition that could ultimately bring it down.

Since November 2015, Africa’s second-most populous nation has been buffeted by an unprecedented wave of protests. They began as a rebuke of the government’s plan to integrate the development of the capital, Addis Ababa, with parts of the surrounding Oromia region. But they have since spread to the neighboring Amhara region, highlighting a range of grievances, including ethnic marginalization and dictatorial rule.

The government has responded with deadly force, killing as many as 500 demonstrators in the past 10 months, according to rights groups. But even before Lilesa’s brave show of solidarity at the finish line the demonstrations appeared to be gathering steam. They also seem to be taking on a worrying ethnic tinge.

Both trends were on display on Aug. 7, when the normally placid, palm-lined city of Bahir Dar in northern Ethiopia became the scene of unspeakable horror. A peaceful anti-government demonstration there turned violent after a security guard at a government building opened fire on the crowds, provoking an angry backlash from protesters, according to witnesses. Security forces then gunned down dozens of demonstrators, killing at least 30.

“I’m just speechless to express it. It’s horrible. The Agazi soldiers, they are just wild beasts. They killed our brothers, our sisters, without any mercyThe Agazi soldiers, they are just wild beasts. They killed our brothers, our sisters, without any mercy,” said Tsedale Akale, a 28-year-old demonstrator, referring to members of an elite military commando unit that the government has regularly deployed to quash protests and restore order in recent months.

A spokesman for the regional government in Bahir Dar, Nigusu Tilahun, said the response was justified. “When there is looting, when things go out of order, when people throw stones and try to take over the gun from the military and the police, then the police has to protect,” he said.

The Agazi unit, which activists hold responsible for the killings in Bahir Dar, is seen by many Ethiopians as a tool of the Tigrayan ethnic group (though it is in fact multiethnic). Tigrayans make up about 6 percent of the population, but they have played a prominent role in government, and especially the security services, since the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led a rebel alliance that overthrew the communist-backed military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. (Oromos account for 34 percent of the population and Amharas account for 27 percent, but neither ethnic group is seen to rival the Tigrayans’ influence in government.)

For decades, members of the opposition and international donors have been urging the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four regional parties founded by the TPLF, to make the system more democratic and ethnically inclusive. Instead, it has politicized state institutions, jailed opponents, shot protesters, forced critical journalists into exile, and passed repressive legislation that has muted civil society.

The result has been overwhelming electoral dominance for the EPRDF — in last year’s parliamentary elections, the coalition and its allies won every single seat — enabling it to use the state’s muscle to strong-arm a traditionally agrarian society into becoming an industrialized nation. Its record has been impressive from a purely development perspective: It has built much-needed infrastructure and dramatically improved public services.

Presiding over the coalition and government is Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who assumed power when Meles Zenawi, the influential Tigrayan rebel-leader-turned-strongman, passed away in 2012. Hailemariam, who hails from a southern ethnic group, is seen as an able technocrat and a neutral political figure capable of balancing the nation’s fragile ethnic politics.

Yet the EPRDF has also sowed the seeds of the current unrest by suffocating the opposition and doing little to address perceived ethnic marginalization. In Oromia and Amhara, the two regions at the heart of current protests, anti-Tigrayan sentiment has festered for decades among those who believe the group controls the repressive government. Now it has burst into the open amid growing ethnic nationalism.

One of the chief demands of the protesters in Bahir Dar, the capital of the Amhara region, is the return of an area of Amhara that was incorporated into Tigray in the 1995 constitution that divided the country into ethnically defined administrative units. The TPLF claims that residents of the Wolkait district, as the area is known, are almost all Tigrayan; some ethnic Amhara protesters say the ruling coalition manipulated the census that preceded the 1995 constitution. (Amhara groups dominated Ethiopia for centuries before 1991.)

Before the Aug. 7 violence, the Amhara region saw a large peaceful demonstration in Gondar city on July 31 — a contrast with the increasingly violent unrest in Oromia. But earlier this month, angry crowds of demonstrators attacked Tigrayan-owned businesses and, in some cases, told ethnic Tigrayans to leave the region after checking their identity cards, according to two witnesses. There were also unconfirmed reports of targeted killings of Tigrayans and a mass evacuation of Tigrayans from the city.

TPLF supporters have accused Amhara officials who are EPRDF members of supporting the protests, raising the prospect of a major schism within the ruling coalition. (The Amhara are currently represented within the EPRDF by the Amhara National Democratic Movement, but an escalation of violence could cause the coalition to come unglued.) The dispute over the Wolkait district is especially dangerous for the government, according Harry Verhoeven, who teaches African politics at the Qatar branch of Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, because it reinforces the view that Tigrayans have rigged the federal system. “When you have perception that northern part of Amhara is essentially annexed by Tigray it is quite explosive,” he said.

A similar dynamic is in play in the central Oromia region, which surrounds Addis Ababa, where as many as 86 demonstrators were killed by security forces the day before the Bahir Dar protests. At the root of the Oromos’ grievances is the desire for greater autonomy after centuries of exploitation by northern rulers and feudal landowners. The region is represented within the ruling EPRDF by the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, a party that activists accuse of being little more than a corrupt clique of Oromo politicians who are subservient to the TPLF. They point to the thousands of Oromo farmers who have been evicted from their land in recent years to make room for developers with links to ruling elites.

The stability of the EPRDF — and of the nation — will turn on the coalition’s response to a protest movement that shows little sign of abating. Of increasing concern for the EPRDF is the fact that protesters in Amhara have displayed newfound solidarity with their Oromo compatriots, while the two major exiled political parties drawn from those communities have formed an alliance.

The EPRDF has spent decades amassing the unrestrained power to implement its statist development strategy. Even if they are of a mind to compromise, Hailemariam and other EPRDF leaders may find it difficult to pacify the demonstrators while opening up political space for the opposition. The surging anti-Tigrayan sentiment among protesters, coupled with the fact that many seek regime change, suggests that EPRDF leaders fearing for their survival will double down on their heavy-handed approach rather than risk opening the floodgates. To the extent that they attempt to defuse the situation, they are likely to focus on job creation, improving public services, and rooting out corruption.

“Political liberalization comes with some risk for those that benefit from the current political monopoly, but it is necessary for Ethiopia’s stability going forward,” said Michael Woldemariam, an assistant professor at the Frederick S. Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University. “But I can’t say that I am seeing compelling evidence of the government moving in that direction.”

After government spokesperson Getachew Reda congratulated Feyissa on Twitter, he has received quite a lot of negative reaction from Ethiopians.

You can read more comments on Twitter.

Housing development improving the image of the city. Last weekend, I was visiting the construction progress of the 40/60 housing development programs at different sites of Addis Ababa. In some of these areas like Sengatera and Crown- Kaliti, the construction process seems to be at the final stage except some remaining finishing works. However, anyone can grasp still uncertainties on the exact date of transferring the already completed houses.

According to the Addis Ababa Saving Houses Development Enterprise, more than 1,292 condominium houses under the 40/60 housing scheme have been finalized at this moment. Specifically, those of Sengatera and Crown-Akaki-Kaliti sites have almost been finished. Installation of power capable and water pipeline has been commenced at both Sengatera and Kality Crown sites.

The other amazing fact about the issue is that 154,000 of the 164,000 people registered under the scheme have been saving money every month. Out of these people, close to 13,000 people have already paid the total amount. And it was often said that those who paid 100 percent will have priority when the condominium units are handed over or transferred to the home owners.

Many people saving for the 40/60 housing program on a monthly basis especially of government employees usually raise quests for justice. The main point they raise is that the program should not be discriminatory. They also said that the government should not be business oriented as housing is a basic human right that should not be based up on the amount a person could pay at once.

But officials of the housing program said that the 40/ 60 housing program is a special program which needs a huge finance. And the government needs money to accomplish the project. And one best way of undertaking the program is through giving priority to those who could cover the amount at once so that the money will also be used to expand the projects for other customers who are saving on a monthly basis.

The other issue that is usually raised is the fact that these programs are lagging behind their contracted schedules. In this housing scheme, local residents are required to save 40 percent or more for upfront payment, with obviously those who have saved more presented with a better chance of getting a house. Ethiopians from the diaspora have to pay the entire purchase price upfront.

The Enterprise announced recently that the status of housing projects across 13 sites is on going at a different pace. And most of the commenced constructions in 2013 and 2014 are running far behind their scheduled completion dates.

The 1,292 houses at the Sengatera and Crown sites, in the Lideta and Akaki Kality districts, have reached over 97 and 95 percent completion, respectively, at this time. But they were expected to be fully completed before the time. But, according Communications Department of the Enterprise, these houses are ready for transfer to owners now.

The delay in completing the 40/60 houses are usually attributed to the incomplete infrastructural works, including roads and electricity, shortage of reinforcement bars, cement and gravel as further reasons. In fact, despite better prices being offered to gravel makers, they were still not supplying an adequate amount.

Currently, the Enterprise is planning buildings taller than G+18. So far, the Enterprise has already begun the excavation work for the construction of the G+18 buildings. High rising buildings up to G+24 buildings are incorporated in the new plan. According to the plan, no additional G+7 or G+9 buildings will be planned in the future in order to use the land efficiently and to accommodate more houses and people.

Housing is becoming the most complicated social problem especially in cities like Addis Ababa. For instance, when we take a look at the people registered for housing even before two years in all the housing programs in the city, they are estimated to reach over 1 million. And out of which those registered for the 40/60 housing programs are about 164,000. And the project is special in that it is targeted to changing the image of the city as it is one aspect of the city’s renovation program.

The main purpose of all housing programs are just satisfying the housing need of the public. And the other objective is to create cities that are free from slums in the near future. The 40/60 housing program is one among the projects that are mainly aimed at building condos that are high rising up to 24 floors in length and build the city to be one among the major cities in the world.

Currently, there are 38,790 condominium units that are under construction on 13 different sites. However, due to poor capacity of contractors and consultants, and inadequate government supervision, most of the projects are behind schedule. Only 1,292 housing units are now nearing completion. The enterprise, facing serious backlash for delaying the delivery of condominiums, is targeting to build close to 80,000 new condominium units under the 40/60 scheme over the next five years.

The construction of 38, 790 houses in the program are reported to be in the process of construction until the end of the Ethiopian last budget year on over 200 hectares of land. The program has created a total of 21,340 jobs so far and it is creating jobs for more than 10,000 citizens every year. And market link of over 208 million Birr has been created for Micro and Small Scale Enterprises and Associations from the program which surpasses the amount with more than 139 million Birr when compared with the amount from same time last year.

It was on Thursday Last weekend that City Government of Addis Ababa Saving Houses Development Enterprises has organized a visit program for the 40/60 housing programs of Addis Ababa at five different sites in the city for the Ethiopian diaspora community. Tourist, Ehil nigede, Bole Bulbula, Crown and Sengatera are the sites visited during the day.

According to Desalegn Taye, Head of Branch 1 project office in the Enterprise the construction of over 39 thousand houses is well in progress at the moment. “The first pilot projects comprising 1292 houses are nearing completion now.”

The Head said close to 38, 000 houses are planned to be transferred to the beneficiaries over the coming two years time.

The 40/60 housing program has a better facility than the other housing programs as it will be full pledged with trade centers, better sanitary and ground electric systems having a comfortable play ground for children. The buildings in the 40/60 development programs have 7-18 floor typology as of now.

Dr. Muse Bekelle, one of the Ethiopian Diaspora who came back to Ethiopia after 20 years, was amazed by the change that he has seen in the areas of housing envelopment and in other development endeavors as well.

According to him, the perception he had before is completely different from what he saw during his visit of the housing program and the overall development progresses in the nation.

It was concluded by all the visiting delegates during a wrap up discussion at the end of the official visit that the Enterprise have gone so far due to highest government commitment even if there are limited human and capacity resources. And the officials of the Enterprise have called on the Diaspora to collaborate with the government of Ethiopia with their knowledge, Skill and finance to achieve more on the area.
By Yared Gebremeden, Ethiopian Herald